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150 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON.
CHAPTER IX.
1643—1647.
The Solemn League and Covenant.—Montrose and Alasdair Mac Cholla Chiataich take the side of the King.—The Laird of Grant and the Tutor of Glenmoriston hold aloof.—Alasdair’s Requisition on the Tutor.—The Tutor’s Trick.—A Brilliant Campaign.—Battle of Inverlochy.—The Laird of Grant sends Men to Montrose.—The Covenanters invade Glen-Urquhart. Lady Ogilvy Robbed and driven out of the Parish.— Her Appeal to her Son.—Undertaking to Support the King. —Montrose’s Description of the Laird’s Recruits.—Urquhart Men Killed at the Battle of Auldearn.—Montrose’s High landers in Glen-Urquhart.—Raid upon the Aird.—Lovat Calls upon The Chisholm to drive the Royalists out of the Parish. — Disputes and Notarial Writs. — Montrose’s Vengeance on the Frasers.—His Skirmish in Glenmoriston.— His Exile.—Huntly takes the Field for the King.—Middleton Defeats him in Glenmoriston. — Lady Ogilvy’s Troubles and Death.—Feud between her Tenants and those of Glen- moriston.—A Fight at a Funeral.—Death of the Big Miller.— The Condition of the Castle.
The Parliamentary Party in England, and the extreme section of the Covenanters in Scotland, entered, in 1643, into the bond and compact known as the Solemn League and Covenant. The prin ciples embodied in that document were looked upon by the Marquis of Montrose and other Scotsmen who had subscribed, and still adhered to, the more moderate Covenant of 1638, as unconstitutional and
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH. 151
rebellious ; and they resolved to support the King in his conflict with the party which had adopted them. At an interview with His Majesty in December, Montrose was authorised to raise the Scottish Royalists, and to co-operate with Irish levies whom the Earl of Antrim, a powerful kinsman of the Highland Macdonalds, was to send to Scotland. The Irish soon arrived on the West Coast under the command of a Highland warrior, Alexander Macdonald, better known as Alasdair Mae Cholla Chiataich—the renowned Colkitto of John Milton. Macdonald, having taken certain castles on the West Coast, and done some injury to the Marquis of Argyll, landed in Knoydart, and marched down Glengarry to Kil-Chuimein, the modern Fort Augustus. There he encamped, while the fiery cross sped over the Central Highlands summoning the clans to rise for the King.1 The summons was tardily obeyed. At first he was joined only by Glengarry and the Captain of Clan Ranald, followed by their clansmen, among whom were Macdonalds from Urquhart and Glenmoriston. The Laird of Grant had no desire to follow the extreme Covenanters in the paths on which they had now entered ; but he was not yet prepared to separate himself openly from them, and he remained inactive. His example was followed by John Grant of Coineachan, the Tutor or legal
1 Leitir nan Lub, near the village, is still pointed out as the site of his camp, as well as of the camp of Montrose some months later.
152 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON.
guardian of young John Grant, who had recently succeeded to the estate of Glenmoriston.
Tradition tells that while at Kil-Chuimein Mac- donald sent to the Tutor for a supply of cattle for provision for his men. The artful Coineachan, unwilling to grant his request, and still more unwilling to incur his displeasure, forwarded a large supply from the untamed herds of Corri-Dho. On approaching the camp and seeing the soldiers and their tents and banners, these denizens of the remote glens broke away in a wild stampede, and with a speed that defied the winds made their way back to their native pastures. A good joke was never lost on Alasdair Mac Cholla, and he sent a message to “ Toitear liath Ghlinne-Moireastuinn”— the grey Tutor of Glenmoriston — complimenting him on the success of his trick.
From Kil-Chuimein Macdonald proceeded across the Grampians to Blair-Athole, where he was joined by Montrose, who assumed the command, and began that brief but brilliant campaign which is the foundation of his fame. Leading the Highlanders into the Lowlands, he defeated the Covenanters at Tippermuir, near Perth, on 1st September, 1644. Turning northward, he won another victory at Aberdeen, and still another at Fyvie. Penetrating into Argyll in the dead of winter, he burned and laid waste that county, and then pressed on towards Inverness, which was held by the Earls of Sutherland and Seaforth in the interest of the Solemn League. At Kil-Chuimein he was overtaken by Iain Lom
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH. 153
Macdonald, the Gaelic Bard,1 and urged to return to Lochaber, as the Marquis of Argyll had entered that country with a large army. It was the last day of January, and the snow lay deep in the trackless passes. But Argyll had to be disposed of, and Montrose resolved to approach him secretly by a circuitous route through the mountains. Turning up Glen-Tarff, he and his men trudged for forty miles through heather and snow until they found themselves, on the evening of Saturday, 1st Feb ruary, at the mouth of Glen-Nevis, and within a gun-shot of the unsuspecting Campbells. That
1 That Iain Lom was the messenger sent to Montrose is asserted by a tradition which is corroborated by the following stanzas in the Bard’s “ Battle of Inverlochy,” where he states that he saw Montrose’s army turn up by Cullachy, near FortAugustus, and that he was at Inverlochy Castle during the subsequent battle :—
An cuala’ sibhse ’n tionndaidh duineil Thug an camp bha ’n Cille Chuimein I ’S fhad chaidh ainm air an iomairt, Thug iad as an naimhdean iomain.
Dhirich mi moch madainn dhomhnaich Gu barr Caisteil Inbher-Lochaidh, Chunna’ mi ’n t-arm a dol an ordugh, ’S bha buaidh an la le Clann-Domhnuill.
Direadh a mach glun Chuil-Eachaidh, Dh’ aithnich mi oirbh surd ’ur tapaidh ; Ged bha mo dhuthaich ’na lasair. ’S eirig air a’ chuis mar thachair.
The Bard makes no mention of Montrose in his song. He gives all the credit to Mac Cholla ; and without in any way detracting from the great Marquis’ soldierly and chivalrous qualities, it must be admitted that his successes were due as much to Macdonald’s Celtic fire and knowledge of the Gael as to his own generalship. So long as the Highland leader fought by his side, he carried all before him. His engagements without Macdonald’s aid—Phillip- haugh and Culrain—were disastrous to him.
154 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON.
night the weary men lay under arms ; but ere the early Sabbath sun had cast its beams over the shoulders of Ben-Nevis, they sprang upon their foes, and cut them to pieces. Argyll viewed the battle from the security of his galley, and sailed home wards. Fifteen hundred of his men never left the shores of Loch Linnhe.
Montrose’s plans and prospects were now com pletely changed. Many who had hitherto held aloof joined him. His great victory helped the Laird of Grant to sever his connection with the Covenanters ; and he sent him three hundred men to swell the ranks of the Royalists.l For this the Laird’s residence at Elchies was plundered by the Covenanters of Inverness ; but he had his reward in the hearty approbation of his mother, the Lady of Urquhart, who had, as we saw in our last chapter, resisted his efforts in the cause of the Covenant, and obstructed its progress among her people. For her loyalty to the King and the Bishops she suffered much. With the connivance of the Tutor of Glenmoriston and other gentlemen of our Parish, a company of the Covenanting forces at Inverness invaded Urquhart about Christmas, 1644, robbed her of her household and personal effects, and drove her out of the country. She found shelter at Lesmoir ; and from that retreat she now encouraged her son to persevere in the King’s cause, and to avenge the wrongs which they had both suffered. “ Dispense with, your goods, ”
1 Memorials of the Trubles, II., 447.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH. 155
she wrote him on 2nd April, 1645, in reference to his loss at Elchies, “by way of care for the loss of them, as I have done with mine ; for, in conscience, there is not left me worth one servit1 to eat my meat on. Yet think with me upon a way of repar ation, and, ere long, you joining with him2 who is coming of purpose to aid you, I believe in God that the Christmas pie which we have unwillingly swallowed shall be paid home at Easter. How soon I either see my son-in-law or hear any certain word from the camp, I shall not fail to advertise you. Meanwhile, be courageous, and remember still how both your mother and yourself have suffered.”3
The Laird for once accepted the advice of his Spartan mother. He had already—on 30th March —entered into a bond with some of his friends, among whom we find William Grant of Achlayn in Glenmoriston, by which they bound them selves in the most solemn manner to support the cause of the King. His loyalty increased, but the recruits whom he had sent to Montrose brought him no credit. “ Your men,” wrote the Marquis to him, “tho’ they were lyke to Jacob’s dayes, did not con tent themselfes with that, bot bade and feu as they wer, heave all playd the runaways.”4 Better stuff was, however, forthcoming, and in May several Urquhart men, including Robert Grant, son of
1 Serviette.
2 Lord Lewis Gordon, her son-in-law, who had raised the Gordons for the King.
3 Letter at Castle Grant. 4 Chiefs of Grant, II., 16.
156 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON.
Shewglie, died for their King at the battle of Auldearn.
From the scene of that conflict Montrose marched into the east and south of Scotland. On the 3rd of September—a few days before his defeat at Phillip- haugh—his Highlanders left him for the purpose of getting their winter’s fuel, and doing the annual re- thatching of their houses. On their journey home ward they sojourned for a time in Glen-Urquhart, and thence, in conjunction with Urquhart men, made incursions into the Aird, and carried away many cattle. Sir James Fraser of Brea, brother of Lord Lovat, and a keen adherent of the Solemn League, proposed to drive them out, and called for the assistance of Alexander Chisholm of Comar—The Chisholm1—who held a portion of his estate, including Buntait in the vale of Urquhart, as vassal of Lovat. Nothing, however, was done. Sir James blamed Chisholm, and caused the follow ing instrument to be taken for the purpose of preserving evidence to be used against him in the day of the triumph of the Covenant :—
1 Browne, in his History of the Highland Clans, sneers at the title of “ The Chisholm,” which, he says, is “ not remarkable either for its modesty or good taste, and which is apt to provoke a smile when it first meets the eye or the ear of persons not accustomed to such definite and exclusive appellations ;” and one renowned member of the clan boasted that only three personages were entitled to the definite article—The Chisholm, The Pope, and The Devil ! The title is, however, a translation of “ An Siosalach,” which is ancient and natural. Even the translation can claim the sanction of antiquity. The Author has found many old documents in the Chisholm archives in which it is used, the oldest being a “Dischairge to ye Chessolme for delyuerie [delivery] off guidis [cattle] ” to Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy, dated 17th November, 1596. In the proceedings of a court-martial, held by the officers of Cromwell at Inverness, in 1654, the appellations Chisholm of Comar, The Chisholm, and the Laird of Chisholm are indiscriminately used.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH. 157
“ Apud Ercheless, undecimo die mensis Decembris, 1645.—That day compeirit Johne Fraser, grieve in Lovat, procurator for Sir James Fraser of Brey, Knight, before Alex. Dunbar, Notar Publict, and the witnesses underwritten, and protestit and tuke instrument that Alex. Chisholme of Comar gave no assistance of his men to the publict cause in putting away of the publict enemie out of Urquhart : for the quhilk cause John Fraser tuke instrument in my hand, Alex. Dunbar, Notar Publict, day, yier, and place above-written, before thir witnesses, Alex. Fraser, of Litle Struy, John Grant of Corvony [Corrimony], Mr Thomas Howestoun, with diverse uthers.”1
But The Chisholm had his own version of the tale to tell, and prudence suggested that he should state it to the notary. That official accordingly recorded the following on the same sheet of paper :—
“ The quhilk day, yier, and place, Alex. Chisolme of Chisolme of Comar compeirit before Alex. Dunbar, Notar Publict forsaid, and the witnesses forsaid, and tuke instrument that he haid more men upone the Lord Lovat’s lands in the campe still with my Lord’s men there as [than] ye saids lands culd affoorde.
“As also, the said Alex. Chisolme of Comar tuke instrument in the hands off me, Alex, Dunbar, Notar Publict, in presens off ye witnesses forsaid, that the said Alex. Chisolme of Comar offerit to go with his whole men in Straglais after the enemie, if
1 Instrument at Erchless Castle.
158 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON.
so be that Sir James Fraser and the rest of the kin of Fraser wold go, quhilk Sir James and all the rest of the specialls off the friends refussit, quhilk the said Alex. Chisolme will qualifie before famous witnesses :1 all this was done, day, yier, and place foresaid,—Per me,
“ Al. Dunbar, Norum Pubm.”
No legal proceedings seem to have followed on these formal writs ; but the Covenanting zeal of Fraser of Brea brought down upon his clan the vengeance of Montrose, who, on his return to the Highlands after the battle of Philliphaugh, dealt out such chastisement to them that, according to the testimony of an eyewitness,2 not a horse, or a cow, or a sheep, or a fowl, was left in their country from Inverness to Guisachan.
Montrose tried, without success, to take Inverness from the Covenanters. General Middleton, with an army strong in cavalry, hastened from Aberdeen to the relief of the town, and forced him, in May, 1646, to retreat into Strathglass, and thence by Glenmoriston, Kil-Chuimein, and Stratherrick into Strathspey.3 In Glenmoriston he had an encounter with the enemy, in which Thomas Dunbar of Boghole was slain.4 His spirits were high, and his hope of ultimate success strong. It was, therefore, with feelings of keen disappointment that he received on the last day of May, a letter from the King, who
1 i.e., prove before witnesses of good character or reputation.
2 Rev. James Fraser of Wardlaw or Kirkhill.
3 Wishart’s Life of Montrose, 255.
4 Records of Synod of Moray—Minute of 5th October, 1646,
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH. 159
was now virtually a prisoner with the Scottish army in England, ordering him to disband his forces, and betake himself to the Continent. The command was obeyed, and he lived an exile from his country until 1650, when he made that ill-fated attempt on behalf of Charles the Second, which ended in his defeat at Culrain, and his capture and execution.
Charles the First soon had reason to regret the expatriation of his devoted general. Weary of his life in the camp of the Covenanters, he resolved to escape, and place himself at the head of the Scottish Royalists. As a preparatory step he sent a private commission to the Marquis of Huntly, empowering him to raise an army in the North. Huntly, in whose household the loyal Lady of Urquhart had found shelter, was strongly attached to the King ; but hitherto the feelings of jealousy which he unhappily entertained towards Montrose destroyed his usefulness, and made his loyalty of little avail. Now that his rival was out of the way, he accepted the commission with alacrity. He was not destined to succeed. The King escaped from the Scots, but was recaptured, and delivered up to the English Parliamentary Party. General David Leslie, a soldier of great experience and ability, hastened from England to Scotland, in April, 1647, to crush Huntly, who, on his approach, retreated through Badenoch into Loch- aber, where he disbanded his army. Along with his son, and a bodyguard of trusted adherents, he fled northward, followed by General Middleton, with a
160 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON.
body of horse and foot, and a company of Camerons. In Glenmoriston he was taken by surprise, and an obstinate fight followed, in which many were killed.1 “ Midltone,” says a writer of the time, “ by their [the Camerons’] convoy, being brought, both with his horse and foot, upon them befor they could stand to their arms, they, with great difficultie, got my Lord [Huntly] and his sonne to horse ; and, that he might get tyme to be out of their reich, fourtie of their best men stayes in the reir with such curradge and valour and obstinat resolutione, as, if the Clan Camerone, climing over the rocks, had not incom- passed them, they had mad the pass good, in spight of all their enimies. This pairtie was commanded by [Leith of] Hearthill, a youth of tuantie years, or litle more, but of such admirable valour, curradge, and dexteritie in arms, as he was amongest his enimies the most redoubted man that followed the Marquise at that tyme. Being thus incompassed, many of them ware slaine ; few wane away. Heart- hill himself was taken, and Invermarkie Gordone, with young Newtone, who, altho he wan frie at that tyme, yit by means of the Forbeses, his grandam’s kin, he was surprysed soon efterwards ; and both Hearthill and he, being about one age and dear commerads, ware soon efter had to Edinburghe, where they ware both execute, for no cause but standing in defence of their soverain lord’s pre rogative.”2
1 Memoirs of Lochiel.
2 Patrick Gordon’s Short Abridgement of Britane’s Distemper (Spalding Club), 204-5,
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Through the devotion of Harthill and his com panions the Marquis and his son escaped ; but he was soon afterwards captured and put to death. His son, Lord Lewis Gordon, son-in-law of the Lady of Urquhart, took refuge in Holland.1
To Mary Ogilvy herself the troubles of the time brought nothing but loss and vexation of spirit. We have seen how her loyal enthusiasm brought on her the displeasure of the Covenanters, and how, when Urquhart was occupied by the soldiers of the Solemn League, she was robbed, and driven out of the Parish, with the connivance, if not the active assistance, of the Tutor of Glenmoriston and the leading men in Urquhart. In that letter which she addressed to her son on 2nd April, she urged him to think with her “ upon a way of reparation,” and expressed in a somewhat dark parable her belief that she would be restored to her possessions before the ensuing Easter. The longed-for restoration did not come. Her son placed caretakers in the Castle, which, on her death, was to revert to himself ; but more than that he did not do. “ My sufferings,” she wrote him—her “ honorabill and loving sone, the Laerd of Grant,” as she addresses him—on 8th June, 1646, “ have been long from the hands of
1 A rising ground near Ceanacroc is still pointed out as the scene of “ the battle between the Camerons and the Gordons.” According to a Glenmoriston tradition, Huntly was severely wounded, and owed his life to the bravery of a Macdonald of the Glenmoriston race of Mac Iain Chaoil, who carried him on his back off the field. Huntly—so runs the legend—was so filled with gratitude that he caused to be inscribed on the lintel of his castle gate the words— “ Cha bhi Mac Iain Chaoil a mach, agus Gordanach a stigh”—A Mac Iain Chaoil shall not be without, and a Gordon within !
11
162 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON.
those parties mentioned in your letter ; but never till this time have I found it resented by you. If you continue in your resolution to revenge it, you will both clear your own honour from much suspicion of much indifference in matters concerning my prejudice, and purchase friends to assist you in the like or greater occasions. There be some of greatest worth who, in respect of your by-past coldness, can hardly be brought to believe that now you are in earnest ; so that your own carriage must vindicate you from suspicion. For the Castle, I intreat you to make those to whom you have concreadit [entrusted] it keep it well from those rogues till our further advisementis [consultations], for howsoever I could not be a party to keep myself from prejudice while the whole country was enemies, I trust Sir James shall find my friends of power sufficient to right me at his hands—and if you play your own part you shall find me your loving mother,
“Marie Ogilvy.”
Four days later she writes him again in the bitterness of her soul—“ I always knew the men of Urquhart to be knaves, and I hope ere long to make them suffer for it ; but”—she adds in reference to the Castle—“ I beseech you to have care of the house till you either meet with me or know my further intention.”
But for Lady Ogilvy there was no redress ; and before the end of another year death put her beyond the power of the “ knaves” who had so terribly tormented her. The hardships she endured,
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH. 163
and the circumstances connected with her flight from Urquhart, left their impression on the traditions of the Parish, which have not yet ceased to tell of her. When the MacPhatricks,1 says one Glenmoriston legend, were owners of Culnakirk and other lands in Glen-Urquhart, their tenants were chiefly of the Clan Dougall, and were known as Dughallaich ’Ic Phadruig—the Macdougalls of Mac- Phatrick. Between those Macdougalls and the tenants of Lady Ogilvy there was much enmity, and at the funeral of one of the family of Glenmoriston, who was buried at Kirkhill, a desperate fight took place between the rival parties. Of Lady Ogilvy’s men the most distinguished in the fray was Am Muillear Mor—the Big Miller of Wester Milton. The Macdougalls swore vengeance, and soon after wards surprised and killed him in his own house. Lady Ogilvy and her people were greatly incensed, and Dugald Mac Ruari in Pitkerrald, the leader of the Macdougalls, had to seek safety in the woods. His wife, Mairi, Nighean Du-Sith—Mary, daughter of Du-Shee2—refused to inform his enemies of his retreat, and by order of Lady Ogilvy she was seized, and placed in the lowest vault of the Castle. Patrick Grant, of Bealla-Do, in Glenmoriston, having heard of this, sent a message to the Lady to the effect that if Mairi was not at once released he would give her houses to the flames. Lady Ogilvy
1 MacPhatrick, or, more correctly, Mac Tc Phadruig : the patronymic of the Lairds of Glenmoriston.
2 Du-Shee : apparently the Doule Shee of our last chapter.
164 URQUHART AND GLENMORISTON.
gave no heed to the threat, and Patrick went with a party of Glenmoriston men and set fire to her farm buildings. In great anger she ordered her people to follow the fire-raisers into their own glen and punish them ; but they refused, and so con cerned were they about the safety of their own houses that they insisted on the immediate release of the prisoner. The Lady was forced to give way ; but she was so displeased with the men of Urquhart that she left the Glen and never returned.1
On Lady Ogilvy’s death, the Laird, her son, succeeded to the Grant estate in Urquhart. He was careful to preserve evidence of such effects as her representatives or creditors might claim, and on 27th June, 1647, “ honest men” from Strathspey made an inventory of the “ plenishing, goods, and gear” within the Castle, in presence of a notary and witnesses. The whole was found to consist only of a timber bed, a taffil, or small table, and a form, in the “ chamber above the hall ;” in the “ valt chamber,” a timber bed and a taffil ; a board or large table, a form, a taffil, and a chair, in the hall ; and, in the cellar, an old chest—“without any kind of other wares, plenishing, goods, or gear whatso ever, in all or any of the said houses and manor place foresaid, except allenarly [only] bare walls ;” and the value of the whole was estimated
1 According to tradition, it was in consequence of the feud between the Big Miller and the tenants of Culnakirk that the mill of Easter Milton was built. Easter Milton formed part of the lands of Culnakirk, and the mill is mentioned as early as 1646,—Mr Fraser-Mackintosh’s Letters of Two Centuries, p. 53.
OLDEN TIMES IN THE PARISH. 165
at the sum of twenty pounds Scots money.1 Such was the depth of the degradation to which the War of the Covenant had reduced the old fortress which a century earlier yielded a rich spoil of “ plenishing” to the Western invaders, and in which, two centuries earlier still, the nobles and prelates of the land were entertained with becoming pomp by its proud constables.
1 Chiefs of Grant, III., 341.
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